INTERNAL DEMOCRACY AND THE PERFORMANCE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN GHANA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CONGRESS AND NEW PATRIOTIC PARTY IN SELECTED CONSTITUENC

ABSTRACT

Internal democracy, also known as intra-party democracy, refers to the level and methods of including party members in decision making and deliberation within the party structure. The debate as to whether internal democracy enhances the performance of political parties in elections has left scholars divided. The relevance of internal democracy to Ghana’s body politic lies in the fact that democracy within political parties has since the return to constitutional rule in 1993 been a reflection of how democracy is organized within the state. This study explored the extent to which internal democracy affected the performance of Ghana’s leading political parties, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the New Patriotic Party (NPP), since the return to constitutional rule in 1993. Relying on mixed research methods and anchored on the philosophy of pragmatism, the study examined the subject between 2000 and 2016 in three unique constituencies, Ledzokuku, Ketu South and Kwabre East; the first, a swing constituency, and the second and third, strongholds of the NDC and NPP respectively. The rational choice and civic voluntarism theories guided the study.

The study found that the causes of internal democratic problems in the NDC and NPP in the Kwabre East, Ketu South, and Ledzokuku constituencies were similar, and informed by multiple actors with various interests. These interests which were either personal gains or benefits to their communities or families partly explained the politics of exclusion in the distribution of financial resources, the undue influence of financiers in the selection of candidates, the imposition of MMDCEs and appointments/co-optation of people into non-elective internal positions. The study further found that the impact of internal democracy on the electoral performance of the political parties (the NPP and NDC) was largely dependent on whether the constituency was a swing or stronghold of

another political party. Also, internal party leadership accountability to the membership was found to be weak.

Theoretically, the study found that political actors and voters in the three constituencies do a cost-benefit analysis in every decision they take. This is in sync with the assumptions in the rational choice theory. Also, the findings show that the civic voluntarism theory does not offer a convincing explanation for internal party activism concerning the quest for leadership. The theory, however, best explains the deployment of money, time and civic skills such that everyone plays a role whether rich or poor in canvassing for votes (division of labour).

The study concludes that there is a nexus between internal democracy and the electoral performance of political parties. However, good internal democracy plays a major role in the performance of political parties in the swing constituency while party identity is the dominant determinant of electoral performance in the strongholds of the NDC and NPP. Furthermore, despite the various reforms by the NDC and NPP since 2000 to improve their internal democracy, patron-client tactics, uneven distribution of resources, the overriding influence of money and dictatorial tendencies fueled by lack of transparency and accountability are some of the factors that caused undemocratic practices within the parties.

Based on the findings, the study recommends among other things that, in order to prevent few wealthy members from continuously overshadowing the ordinary members and by extension determining the direction of internal democracy in political parties, the EC should compel political parties to disclose the identities and amount individuals donate. The only way to successfully achieve this is to amend the 1992 Constitution and the Political Parties Act, 2000 (Act 574). The leadership of both parties at all levels should desist from the practice of imposing candidates on constituents and party delegates or

asking some aspirants not to contest certain sitting MPs or party executives because the practice undermines internal democracy.

The most forceful lesson learnt is that the existence of rules and regulations governing the conduct of internal party elections is not sufficient to promote democracy within political parties. The internal party actors, the security agencies, the electoral commission, and all other stakeholders must be willing to enforce the rules without partiality to ensure transparency, fairness, and inclusiveness in the process.